8 Government Powers Floridians Assume the President Has (He Doesn’t)

Sit at any Florida diner counter for an hour, and the president gets credit or hate for gas prices, grocery bills, and the neighbor’s mortgage rate.

The Constitution disagrees on nearly all of it.

These are the powers Floridians hand the president that the founders never did.

Setting Gas Prices

Floridians talk about gas prices as if the president adjusts them from a dial in the Oval Office.

No such dial exists for President Donald Trump or anyone who follows him.

Global oil markets, refinery capacity, and seasonal demand set what you pay at the RaceTrac on U.S. 19.

Florida refines no oil of its own, so when crude jumps overseas, the pump price in Tampa follows within days.

A president can release oil from the Strategic Petroleum Reserve and nudge supply.

Nudging is the ceiling.

Presidents get four years; oil traders reprice Florida’s gasoline every single day.

The same goes for grocery prices, which no federal office sets at all.

Psst! How much do you know about the presidency and the Constitution? Take our quiz and see if you can score 100%.

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Declaring War

Floridians assume the commander in chief can declare war with a signature.

The Constitution hands that power to Congress alone, in Article I, Section 8.

Congress last used it in 1942, during World War II.

Presidents have sent troops abroad plenty of times since, but under authorizations and war powers rules, never a declared war.

Korea, Vietnam, and both Iraq wars all ran without one.

Since 1973, the War Powers Resolution has made presidents report deployments to Congress within 48 hours.

Congress has issued only 11 formal declarations in the country's history.

The title says commander in chief, not decider of wars.

Controlling Interest Rates

Floridians shopping for a mortgage in Ocala often blame the president for the rate on the paperwork.

The Federal Reserve's rate-setting committee makes that call, meeting eight times a year and voting.

A president appoints Federal Reserve governors, and the Senate confirms them.

Several of the committee's votes belong to regional Federal Reserve bank presidents, whom no president appoints at all.

Mortgage rates track the bond market on top of that, one more layer nobody in the Oval Office manages.

Ordering a rate cut sits outside the job description.

Congress designed that separation on purpose more than a century ago.

Presidents of both parties have grumbled about that arrangement for decades, which tells you how firmly it holds.

Rewriting the Constitution

Floridians sometimes talk about a president changing the Constitution the way you'd change a thermostat.

Amendments need two-thirds of both chambers of Congress, or a convention called by two-thirds of the states.

Then three-fourths of the states, 38 of them, must ratify.

The president holds no formal role in any of it, per the National Archives.

An amendment never even crosses the president's desk for a signature.

Florida's own legislature gets a vote in the ratification count, same as every other state.

The bar sits so high that thousands of proposed changes never came close.

Pardoning State Crimes

Floridians picture the pardon power as a master key to every jailhouse door.

The key only fits federal locks.

Presidential pardons cover federal offenses only, per the Justice Department.

Somebody convicted under Florida law answers to Florida's clemency process, where the governor and Cabinet hold the power.

Most criminal convictions in America are state convictions, so the famous power reaches a small slice of them.

A federal tax case qualifies; a Florida drunk driving charge never will.

Florida's clemency board meets in Tallahassee, and no president sits on it.

Raising or Cutting Taxes

Floridians thank or blame the president every April.

Tax law belongs to Congress, and the Constitution requires revenue bills to start in the House of Representatives.

The framers put the House first on money bills because its members face voters every two years.

A president proposes, lobbies, and signs or vetoes.

Not one dollar of your Internal Revenue Service (IRS) bill changes without a bill passing both chambers first.

Even the payroll taxes that fund Social Security sit in statutes only Congress can amend.

Campaign promises about taxes amount to promises about persuading 535 other people.

Moving Election Day

Floridians occasionally hear that a president could delay an election, and the claim spreads every cycle.

Congress fixed the date in 1845: The Tuesday after the first Monday in November.

Only Congress can change it, and the date has held since before the Civil War.

The 1845 Congress picked November so farmers could vote after harvest, and Tuesday so nobody had to travel on a Sunday.

States run the actual voting, from Pensacola precincts to Key West, and Florida's early voting and mail rules come from Tallahassee.

A president has no lever to pull on either end.

Sending FEMA Uninvited

Floridians watching a hurricane cone assume the president decides when federal help rolls in.

The process runs the other direction.

Under the Stafford Act, the governor requests a major disaster declaration, and the president approves or denies it.

So when a storm hammers the Gulf Coast, Gov. Ron DeSantis files the request that opens the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) checkbook.

Florida governors have filed plenty of them, for obvious reasons.

Damage assessments from state and federal teams travel with the paperwork.

Congress built the process so no president could play favorites with disasters, in either direction.

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